Gerald H. Priest: His Life and Crime Against a ‘Company of Fools’

by Jane Gaffin

An ingeniously-plotted high-grade silver ore heist in the Yukon Territory has intrigued mining people, crime aficionados, lawyers, investigators, writers and others since a lengthy 1963 trial was staged in that northern, backwater, federally-controlled jurisdiction that most Canadians still can’t find on a map — a place the author of A Rock Fell on the Moon assesses as having milked the 1898 Klondike Gold Rush history “like a menopausal cow”.

It was a masterfully-crafted madcap scheme against what was once one of the richest silver camps in the world. The architects were two highly-intelligent co-conspirators who proved, however, there is honour among thieves.

Gerald Henry Priest, along with Anthony “Poncho” Bobcik, a big, jovial Czech, refused to tattle on a third party, a mine captain, believed instrumental in pulling off the ruse but his deeds went unproven.

Adding to the further frustration of baffled police investigators, United Keno Hill Mines (UKHM) workers remained mum on all counts, too. In solidarity, they refused to squeal on one of their own.

The 671 twill sacks full of high-grade ore were supposedly hand-mined legally by the two men from their Moon mineral claims and salted with a few allowable precipitates rejected from the mill.

If, on the other hand, the pair actually committed criminal sin, then the workers’ admiration escalated a thousandfold in a “good for them” attitude.

A large percentage of workers held a direct contempt for the mining company and maybe an indirect disdain for the Toronto-based, multi-national parent corporation, Falconbridge Nickel Ltd.

Much of this scorn would not have metastasized into such hostility except for the dictatorial UKHM general manager whose ghastly managerial practices were unprecedented. He didn’t seem to like the company he managed and definitely wasn’t a people-person. Maybe, as an inept manger, he should have been held indirectly responsible for causing the ruckus and did eventually receive his comeuppance in something akin to a storybook theme of “good trumps evil”.

Until Harbour Publishing released daughter Alicia Priest’s book A Rock Fell on the Moon: Dad and the Great Yukon Silver Ore Heist (peek inside at Kindle’s sample chapters) on the 2014 Christmas list, nobody except family members and maybe a few close friends had an insight into what made Gerald Henry Priest tick.

Some people viewed United Keno Hill Mines’ chief assayer as a friend; others saw him as moody and mercurial; Judge John Parker, responsible for sentencing, noted Priest to be “a strange bird” and condemned him for harbouring a grudge against society.

None got it quite right.

Priest had it all. Yet like Robert Service’s poem The Men Who Don’t Fit In”, which suits Priest to a T, he sadly wouldn’t admit his mistakes until he was robbed by that sneaky devil called time. His self-analysis came too late to pick up the fractured pieces and make amends.

He was a clever man. He had a flair for writing, could remember lyrics to tunes, accompanying himself on a guitar, and recite Robert Service poems by heart, the reason the author has opened each of 20 chapters plus the epilogue with appropriate lines lifted from a variety of the bard’s verses.

He was a great storyteller, spinning wild fables into plausible tales that turned skeptics into believers. He and his geologist cronies convinced a court in Round One that “in geology, anything is possible”.

How could six jurors, who wouldn’t have known a sulphide from the city limits, counter the experts? Maybe a rock really did fall on his Moon mining claims millions of years ago, and Priest simply took advantage of mining Mother Nature’s gift.

As the story unfolds, the reader constantly vacillates between his guilt or innocence.

Priest and his family lived in a company-owned Panabode house, reserved for Elsa’s upper echelon. Inside, the comfortable, cozy, varnished, log-style home was rich with music, books, a cat and much-loved Belgian shepherd, Caesar.

His home was his castle where he didn’t have to exert effort to boil a kettle or wash a sock. He had a well-paying job; a beautiful, affectionate wife; and two daughters, Vona and Alicia, born 360 days apart, who revered him as only little girls can.

Or, as the author inquires, did he perhaps see things differently? “Four female dependents, an ailing wife [heart problems] who couldn’t give him the son he deserved; a religiously fanatical mother-in-law, a tedious dead-end job for a company of fools and two daughters who revered him as only little girls can?”

Most people would want to keep their family skeletons stuffed permanently inside a locked closet, not to be whispered about ever. This memoir cum thriller doesn’t masquerade the warts and blemishes but uninhibitedly rattles the bones in an effort to dig out the truth.

It was way past time for half-truths and speculations written by others to be set aside and for the author to tackle the prickly job of fully disclosing her father’s good points, which is why she loved him, as well as his misdeeds, for which she couldn’t forgive him.

His frank, candid, resilient, loving daughter, Alicia, was the only person who could pull off the thorny assignment properly, coupled with invaluable assistance from her own “rock”, husband Ben Parfitt, a writer in his own rights.

As though Papa’s story doesn’t provide enough surprises when turning every corner, the reader is bolted over with an unexpected double dose of intense family history from the maternal side of the equation.

As a girl, Maria, or Omi as her loving granddaughters addressed her, had fallen from riches to rags, having begun life in a wealthy, Russian land-owning family who lost everything, including themselves, to revolution and anarchy.

With her birth family and her only living son, Peter, imprisoned somewhere in the Gulag, she suffered a lifelong survivor complex. While guilt was somewhat assuaged by strong Mennonite convictions, in her mind she was a sinner. “In the terror time, I did what I did to stay alive,” she was quoted as saying.

God only knows what sins she committed to survive and it’s best not to probe. Many Ukrainians refrained from discussing this awful past, although some did loosen their aging tongues so the next generation would have an inkling about Holodomor.

Josef Stalin’s man-made famine exterminated unknown millions through deliberate starvation in the 1930s. When the Soviet’s army confiscated the crops, not leaving a grain, much less a percentage of the harvest for the villagers’ winter food supply, residents resorted to eating cats, dogs, exhumed horses, leaves from trees, then each other.

Survivors were fortunate if they came through the terror with their memories blocked and sanity in tact.

An excerpt from a eulogy Alicia wrote in the Globe and Mail when her mother, who survived two husbands, died in 2011 hints at Helen’s tough-fiber: “If life is an obstacle course, Helen Young was a gazelle. Spirited, elegant and beautiful, she had a fragility and charm that masked her determination to clear one hurdle after another.”

Lolya, or Helen, was born November 24, 1924, in what was at the time southern Russia and is now the Ukraine. She was the second child and only daughter of Maria Reger and Abraham Friesen. Her younger brother Alexander died of diphtheria at 18 months.

Her family moved away from their large extended Mennonite clan in the Ukraine to Ebental, a small village in the foothills of the Caucasus Mountains. As a Mennonite, her mother tongue and heritage were German, the enemy of Stalin’s USSR, where their religious freedom was no longer tolerated.

In 1930, Helen’s mother, Maria, learned that her parents, sisters and brothers had been loaded in cattle cars and shipped to Siberia, two children dying along the way. The Soviet regime became their immediate enemy. Under a psychopathic Stalin, the Caucasus region was no safer than the Ukraine had been.

Three years later, Helen’s father collapsed and died at age 35, having learned his name was on Stalin’s personal list of who would live or die after rounded up and brought before his secret police for interrogation.

Within two years, Helen’s mother married another Mennonite, Heinrich Werle, a university-trained agronomist responsible for ensuring the late August harvest of the area’s wheat crop. The “progressive” state forbade the use of horses which were “replaced” with non-existent combines.

Caught in a life-and-death conundrum, Werle ordered farmers to hitch up the horses and bring in the harvest. The act was truly part of the Harvest of Sorrow. The crop secured, Werle was banished to a northeastern hard labour camp.

In 1940, Helen, of high school age, and her mother, Maria, moved to still a larger town, Stepnoye.

Helen’s older brother Peter, now 17, had stayed behind in Ebental to care for the family’s small house and few animals. The following year, he too was arrested and instantly disappeared to the Gulag, along with other relatives who were assumed to have all perished in that inhumane, Stalin-devised hellhole.

In 1941, the Nazis marched into the Caucasus. Due to their common language and common hatred, Maria saw them as liberators. When the Russian army launched its massive counter offensives in the winter of 1943-44, Helen and Maria were forced to escape by foot, horse-drawn cart and cattle car along with the Germans.

Nineteen-year-old Helen and her mother arrived in German-occupied Poland, ultimately making their way to Germany where they were greeted with mass terror as buildings were reduced to rubble by Allied bombs. Helen secured a respected job as a Russian-German translator for Kommission 28, a division of the German Reich.

In the fall of 1948, a Canadian Mennonite family put up $500 to sponsor the hard-working mother-daughter duo to resettle in Matsqui, British Columbia, where Abraham and Helene Rempel, who remained life-long friends, gave them a home and a community. After paying off their ship and train fares labouring in the fields, they were free to venture out on their own.

After crossing two continents and the Atlantic Ocean, Helen felt rejuvenated. What better way to cement her new self to her new nation where she finally felt safe than to marry a real Canadian?

Before marrying Gerald Priest, she had turned down a United Nations collection of suitors: a Russian, Pole, Italian, three Germans and an American as well as a dedicated Mennonite whose plans to work overseas as a missionary was not for her.

Neither was the Yukon’s jerkwater mining town of Elsa, where she sparkled like a jewel in a junkheap. “A cardinal in a town of sparrows”, as the author describes her exotic mother who loved the city life that suffocated her bush-minded husband.

She stitched her own chic wardrobe with help from a nimble-fingered mother and dressed the two girls in matching ensembles. She never owned a pair of jeans in this mining town of boardwalks, bladed lanes and unpaved roads, covered in either snow, ice, mud, dust, dirt or gravel, depending on the season.

I didn’t want A Rock Fell on the Moon to end. The writing style is crisp, fast-flowing and humourous, the sentences often loaded with fresh, witty similes and metaphors.

With pages nearly exhausted, I didn’t believe space remained to run headlong into any more jolting surprises around the next corner. While only a fool tries to out-judge a judge, the reader should never try to outguess how Alicia Priest would choose to present her true “whodunit”.

At this point, Gerald Priest didn’t have two plugged silver pesos to jangle together in his jean pocket. But he had chutzpah.

His blood boiled every time he thought about American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO) in Helena, Montana, smelting his shipment of ore and sending the fat cheque for $125,322.17 to United Keno Hill Mines before the courts had determined who owned the ore and where the ore had originated.

This irrepressible guy took another jab at justice. His family, unravelling at the seams, was oblivious to his international escapades in which he convinced his new Stateside lawyer to take his civil case on contingency.

Priest provided a plausible explanation to Nelson Christensen, a young lawyer working for a large, prestigious Seattle firm. He had delivered a shipment of raw ore to ASARCO in June, 1963, he explained, then two years later he had been convicted of theft. Since the worth of the ore skyrocketed in Priest’s mind with each retelling, he pegged the value of ore this time at $200,000.

Long before he had been found guilty, he said, the smelter processed the disputed ore and cut UKHM a big cheque. “That’s violation of the contract I had with ASARCO, isn’t it?” Priest asked of Christensen.

“It was an audacious gambit but one that Dad’s new lawyer in Seattle felt was worth pursuing,” writes the author.

In 1967, notice was served on ASARCO that Gerald H. Priest was suing the smelter for breach of contract. Seattle lawyer Christensen argued that the smelter had breached the terms of the contract prior to Priest’s criminal conviction by smelting the ore before Canadian courts issued any ruling.

The filing of the claim against ASARCO set off a nuclear explosion at UKHM. Before ASARCO had paid UKHM, the smelter had required the company to agree that if Priest and/or his partner, Anthony Bobcik, or Bobcik’s company, Alpine Gold and Silver, or anybody else came out of the woodwork to recover funds from the smelter, UKHM would have to reimburse the smelter.

That problem was between the mining company and the smelter and had nothing to do with Priest, who sat back smirking. Revenge is sweet, even when served up cold.

If Priest earned nothing else from his current gamble for a cash settlement, he at least had the satisfaction of watching the Big Boys squirming.

This surprise aftermath that the author unloads at the eleventh hour is a long-obscured segment in the saga of the Moon claims. And, despite what Priest did, the reader wants to applaud this scenario that holds a bit of ironic twist against the Goliathan companies UKHM, ASARCO as well as the judiciary in Canada, who, as political bedfellows, had been beating up on a poor little David.

In fact, earlier in chronological events, the Yukon judiciary’s face turned red with rage — or more to the point, Judge Parker’s — due to a couple of other overlooked glitches: “It’s not what you know, but who you know” that counts and “Never underestimate the power of a woman” who just might be working on the “outside” in favour of securing the release of her husband who’s been helplessly incarcerated like a fly in a jar on the “inside”.

The author’s interesting website can be visited at www.aliciapriest.com where more can be learned about this courageous woman’s date with her “ultimate deadline”, ALS, better known as Lou Gehrig’s disease.

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A Glimpse at the Whitehorse Copperbelt: A Compilation

https://janegaffin.files.wordpress.com/2014/10/whitehorse-copperbelters.pdf

by Jane Gaffin

The Whitehorse Copperbelt and the companies that explored and mined the 17- to 18-mile-long crescent-shaped strip of ground west of the Yukon’s capital city have been noted for several unique features over the years.

First, Yukoners can claim fame to the existence of a rare mineral identified as valleriite, or vallerite, in their own backyard. The occurrence of the brassy-coloured sulphide mineral of iron and copper is so unusual as to be found only in about seven locations in the world. One of those places is the Whitehorse Copperbelt.

While locals can boast of the copperbelt hosting an anomalous mineral, it actually was not a welcome sight for metallurgists. Valleriite, graphitic in texture, played hell with ore-treatment techniques used in the milling process until the minor mineral mysteriously dissipated in the ore mined at depth.

Additionally, Whitehorse Copper Mines, a marginally-profitable company reconstituted from New Imperial Mines in 1972, had to be a trend-setter in its approach to keeping the purchase and maintenance costs of heavy underground machinery to a minimum.

The company, operating close to the bone on three-year ore reserves, instituted innovative applications for tackling cost problems while simultaneously looking at future diversification and expansion plans in an effort to keep 200 employees working when sufficient blocks of mineable ore reserves were depleted.

As mechanical parts became more scarce, and the waiting time for delivery of mine machinery lengthened, the adroit Whitehorse Copper employees put their minds together to instigate imaginative master plans.

General Manager Vic Jutronich liked to brag up his happy workforce rowing in the same direction as well as bringing special attention to a newfangled contraption created at the property. The hydrastatic Clark Mobile, an underground service vehicle, was a legacy of Clark Van Steinburg, the mechanical shop superintendent who invented and designed the brainchild.

Van Steinburg staunchly believed heavy equipment should never break down or wear out if well-maintained. He bought traded-in machinery, worked hard for more than 10,000 hours, that most other industrial complexes would shun as fatigued junk.

Not Van Steinburg, a mechanical wizard. Sharing his sentiments was a long-term steady staff of 26 mechanics, welders and machinists, like Jack Monet and John Millar, shop foreman Roy Watson, and drill doctors Jim Graham and Ray Osborne. They viewed the “worthless junk” as prizes.

The crew salvaged parts and pieces and built and rebuilt their own workhorses. On-site equipment designing and construction proved itself to be low-maintenance cost and outlasted some factory-built equipment.

Jim Graham, in charge of the drill shop where underground drills and pumps were repaired, and machinist Jack Monet put on their thinking caps and conjured up a money-saving suggestion that rewarded them with $1,700 each through the Suggestion Awards incentive program for an ingenious rock- breaker proposal.

The modifications saved the company $34,000 a year. The appreciative and economically-minded company granted 10 percent of what was saved within a calendar year to the employees who came up with the cost-saver.

If the employee’s idea went one step further and made money for the company, then the inventor received a certain percentage of those earnings. A money-reward system was a strong incentive for guys to keep their minds open and pencils sharp.

After rebuilding such mechanisms as diesel engines, power-shift transmissions and differentials, the mine could operate machinery such as 5-yard, front-end loader Scooptrams almost continuously without maintenance worries.

Van Steinburg and his converted-minded staff, in their contention that there’s a way to build heavy-equipment machinery that doesn’t break down, went about tenaciously fulfilling Van Steinburg’s theory in the completely-equipped, 15,000-square-foot workshop.

In the event that Whitehorse Copper exhausted known ore reserves within three years, manager Jutronich contended there was no reason for the Whitehorse Copper facility to crumble and perish. He promoted the structure as solidly established to shift gears and transform into a mine-related business. (He also promoted seeding the rich, mineral-laced tailings ponds for conversion into a community golf course.)

His far-reaching strategy was for the company to stay in business and keep jobs in the Yukon by concentrating on building and repairing mining equipment for other companies and farming out five-star underground miners to work in other locales.

For instance, engines could be rebuilt for Cantung (Canada Tungsten) on the Yukon-Northwest Territories border. It would preclude the inconvenience of the mine wasting extra time and expense sending key overhaul jobs to major cities. Those jobs could stay in the Yukon. He had a crackerjack staff capable of undertaking those specialty tasks.

And, for sure, Whitehorse Copper could contract out experienced crews to other underground operations. If Whitehorse Copper owner Hudson Bay Mining had a job at its MacMillan Pass Mactung (tungsten) deposit that would, for instance, cost $2 million, Whitehorse Copper’s personnel could be contracted for half the price, a proposal that maybe jolted Jutronich’s Hudson Bay boss.

Unless new reserves were found, though, ore reserves outlined to last Whitehorse Copper roughly three years were finite. That indisputable fact meant the mine would come to a screeching halt. The manager knew it and the 200 employees knew it. But did anybody else know it? Or care?

In view of the looming dilemma, Jutronich reflected on what the company should do. Just shut up shop and sell assets and pay shareholders back? Or diversify and expand? Jutronich knew what he wanted to do but he didn’t have the sympathetic ear of immediate superiors who may have rejected his ingenious ideas as borderline lunatic fringe.

Yet, at the relevant time, Bobo LaRocque, a veteran underground miner, was teaching underground mining classes for the Yukon government’s Vocational and Technical Training School at a replica site tunneled into rock on nearby Grey Mountain that tapered off into low hills like a plucked eyebrow. Over half the total 252 graduates trained by the jovial Frenchman became experienced miners employed throughout the Yukon and Canada.

Another unexpected phenomenon happened in 1976. The 1971 Mining Safety Ordinance for the Yukon that stated no female could work underground was amended by the Yukon Legislative Assembly. It was proclaimed as law by Commissioner James Smith to allow women to work underground in the territory.

None of the Yukon’s three underground mines of the day — United Keno Hill Mines at Elsa; Carmacks Coal, owned by Cyprus Anvil Mining for producing fuel for the drying of lead-zinc concentrates at Faro; and Whitehorse Copper Mines — anticipated a flood of female applicants for the hard-labor jobs.

Whitehorse Copper Mines, seven road miles south of town, had one enthusiast, mine expeditor Trudy Vanderburg. The woman who actually broke ground as the Yukon’s first — and only — female underground miner was Janeane MacGillivray.

The Yukon’s Mining Safety Ordinance was designed to protect women and children from unfair working conditions existing in mining operations. Since politicians felt those conditions no longer existed in the Yukon, the bill was passed to show no discrimination in the practice of hiring male and female personnel in the mines.

The original bill was based on an age-old superstition that had prevented women from even visiting an underground site based on miners’ beliefs they would bring a cave-in, fire, ore depletion or other calamity to the tunnel.

A Glimpse at the Whitehorse Copperbelt is a compilation of historic materials, newspaper articles, personal interviews and photographs covering a period from 1898, when the copper mines were discovered, to 1982 when Whitehorse Copper Mines closed due to inevitable ore exhaustion.

The 350-page document mentions 33 old Crown Grants. Important mining claims like the Pueblo are detailed and their owners profiled.

From William P. Grainger and John McIntyre, who met tragic deaths, the historical account moves on with the invaluable help of copperbelt aficionado Dick McKenna to more pioneers such as James Whitney, Katherine Ryan, H.E. Porter, Tommy Kerruish, Robert Lowe, Sam McGee, and Captain John Irving.

One major historic copperbelt event was the tragic Pueblo cave-in on March 21, 1917. Of the nine miners trapped, only three were rescued.

Well-known underground miner, Ed Andre, and his colleagues paid tribute to the permanently entombed men by listing their names on a bronze plaque they anchored to a granite boulder at the minesite. On September 18, 2001, 84 years after the fact, they staged a ceremony that finally gave the miners a dignified burial service.

In the long term, the Little Chief deposit proved to be the jewel in the copperbelt’s Crown where mining was forced to go underground into the deep ore.

Whitehorse Copper Mines’ predecessor, New Imperial Mines, had used the open-pit method to excavated its series of mines. General Manager Ross Kenway and Chief Geologist Bob Hilker presented their glowing reports to an annual meeting of the Canadian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy in Vancouver, April, 1968. Kenway discussed large-scale mining of small open pits in the Yukon while Hilker stuck to outlining the geology of the Little Chief ore deposit.

During New Imperial’s tenure on the copperbelt, Armand Arsenault provided much of the extensive diamond drilling contracts.

When New Imperial morphed into Whitehorse Copper, Tony Caron of E.Caron Diamond Drilling was the prominent fixture on the belt where Andy Hureau served as the long-term exploration geologist and Dave Tenney as chief geologist. Both were “carry overs” from New Imperial days.

Whitehorse Copperbelters Part VIII portrays personality sketches of Pete Versluce, Harry Versluce and Chuck Gibbons, the prospectors who optioned the Little Chief and other claims to the mining companies; Paul White, a land surveyor who helped locate some old turn-of-the-century Crown Grant staking posts for New Imperial brass; Bob Hilker, New Imperial’s chief geologist; Dave Tenney, Whitehorse Copper’s chief geologist; Andy Hureau, Whitehorse Copper’s exploration geologist; and veteran underground miners Erich Stoll and Ed Andre, author of Heroes of Darkness, a little book commemorating underground miners.

And, of course, the picture wouldn’t be complete without showing off the governments’ true colours. The muscle-flexing city diligently counter-opposed the miners by appealing to the feds to declare a staking moratorium. Ultimately, the territorial government persecuted and the city prosecuted prospector Rob Hamel over his copperbelt War Eagle property, nicknamed the “dump claims”.

And, then, came the upbeat reunion of more than 200 nostalgists who reunited in the summer of 1995 to bid their final adieus to what most attendees heralded as “the best place I ever worked; if Whitehorse Copper were still going, I’d probably still be working there”.

See the whole miscellany of stories at Whitehorse Copperbelters.

 

Dismantling Industrial Civilization is on the Agenda

 

by Jane Gaffin

From the 1976  forewarning files…

Over the years, the United Nations Agenda 21’s insidious, ever-expanding tentacles have reached out globally in every direction to surreptitiously encapsulate every facet of people’s lives while they weren’t paying attention.

Agenda 21 — which simply means a blueprint as to how a New World Order will dictate how society will live and behave in the 21st Century — didn’t get a serious toehold on its radical scheme until its 1992 environmental conference in Rio de Janeiro where the ultimate plan of action was concocted to take humanity backwards into another Dark Age.

To save planet earth from destruction meant the elimination of all human activity, plus, as a little sidebar, the pogrom called for the extinguishment of middle-class society and the extermination of at least three-quarters of the world population.

One of the initial steps to successful implementation was the dismantling of industrial civilization and, in Marxist fashion, relieving individuals and corporations of their right to own property — whether that be an expansive farm, a plot of land for a house, or mining claims — and the withdrawal of all leases and licenses to government-controlled lands for grazing cattle, big-game guiding, placer and hard rock mining, and any other private enterprises.

Below is a prophetic article, Who Gets the Blame? Hit by Strikes Yukon Economy Suffers, that appeared September 30, 1976 as the lead in the Toronto-based Northern Miner, the Bible of the worldwide mining industry. It demonstrates in spades the enormous international ramifications and ripple effect of how society suffers the backlash when governments and a few power-hungry individuals start toying with industrial civilization “for fun”.

At the relevant time, the Yukon was blindsided with a severe blow said to be a protest to the Anti-Inflation Board.

The Anti-Inflation Act was a contentious parliamentary act passed in 1975 by Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s Liberal government in Ottawa supposedly as a measure to slow down inflation that was blamed on an out-of-control increase in commodity prices and wages government and companies were paying to employees.

The unpopular law was met with an angry counterblast from virtually every sector of society. The populace is just now beginning to comprehend what is really in store for the future.

No ordinary person could fathom what evilness invisible global elitists were plotting behind closed doors 38 years ago. By now, there is no doubt. And the draconian fallout from Agenda 21 is not going to be pretty as it continues coiling conspiratorially around us everyday like a big sneaky snake stalking its unsuspecting prey.

_______

What a mess!

Worried Yukoners tough-sledded through the summer when labor disputes crippled the $228 million mining industry, the Yukon’s No. 1 support.

Now the 22,000 residents face an uncertain winter under guidance of a new commissioner, an anemic economy dropping faster than the mercury in the thermometer at $100,000 per day, and the provincehood issue crescendoing.

Things got hot in the summer. Simultaneously, United Steelworkers (USW) closed three of the Yukon’s four operating mines, plus the Cassiar Asbestos mine in Northern British Columbia, near the Yukon border.

Labor disputes disrupted operations at Whitehorse Copper, United Keno Hill Mines (UKHM) at Elsa, and Cyprus Anvil Mining at Faro.

As temperatures dipped into September, United Keno finally reached a settlement with the union. The miners are getting back to work and production is up to 40 per cent of normal, but the agreement has yet to be ratified by the Anti-Inflation Board. At Cyprus Anvil, no thaw is in sight and the mine is still shut down, while Whitehorse Copper workers are back on the job earning a base hourly wage of $6.10.

The only mine uninterrupted by labor problems was Clinton Creek Mine, northwest of Dawson City, eight miles from the Alaska border.

The Clinton employees are Canadian Mine Workers, their negotiations concerned with severance pay and move-out allowances.

Owned by Cassiar Asbestos, Clinton has been exhausted of commercial-grade fibres, and a permanent closure is expected early next year.

In mid-September, the Cassiar subsidiary of Territorial Supply, an International Harvester franchise in Whitehorse, closed after 25 years of service. The Transport Division is continuing to haul fibre from Clinton to railhead at Whitehorse.

THE COMPLEX ISSUE

The Cyprus Anvil lead-zinc mine, the Yukon’s largest mine, is directly responsible for half the Yukon’s economy. When the 10,000-ton-per-day operation is immobilized, two-thirds of the territory is paralyzed.

Major strikes have erupted there three times this year, and helped start the economy on its roller-coaster path nine months ago.

In late July, the 400 United Steelworkers members entered their latest strike, ostensibly a protest against the Anti-Inflation Board’s substantial roll back in their wage and benefit contract from 36 to a 9 per cent increase in the first year.

The union insisted it wasn’t a strike against the company, therefore Cyprus Anvil tried to avert the work stoppage by offering to join the union in an organized approach to the Anti-Inflation Board about the revision decision.

A local news analyst, Don Sawatsky, reported an ebullient spirit in Faro, with campers packed before the union opted to strike. He said they just didn’t realize the seriousness of that decision.

The new contract, retroactive to October of last year, was for an hourly base rate of $7.

Not only did the strike decision drastically hamper the Yukon, but Faro activities can be felt many places. Skagway, Alaska is the port-of-call where ships load ore concentrates destined to customers in Japan and European countries.

While 1,500 residents from the Yukon’s second-largest community are fishing, a lot of people are sitting around in wide-eyed amazement wondering where the concentrates went.

Ironically, Faro, constructed in 1969, hasn’t been inked onto many maps. But the little town sure packs a wallop.

Presently, Yukoners have lost track of who’s mad at whom, what the strike’s all about. This week the Canadian Labor Relations Board handed down its decision that a new agreement would have to be negotiated meeting the requirements of the Anti-Inflation Act. Thus, the obscure and complex issues are still unresolved.

Cyprus Anvil is the biggest customer for the Northern Canada Power Commission (NCPC). With the mine down, NCPC reported a loss of $200 thousand a month. The federally-owned utility company by an Act of Parliament can’t operate in the red, and requires consumers to pick up any deficits.

Yukoners fear they’re cradling another price hike in their palms. Within the last year, NCPC has raised wholesale power rates by 80 per cent to defray a $30 million override for the new 30-megawatt Aishihik power project, 80 miles northwest of Whitehorse.

Since the rate-increase protest launched by Yukoners in January, James Smith has stepped down from his 10-year service as Commissioner and turned full attention to chairmanship of NCPC.

Mr. Smith said that he’s keeping the federal people apprised of the current situation in the north, and is hopeful of a realistic solution to the problem.

He doesn’t want the federal government coming back to the Yukon this time with an excuse of “not knowing what was happening.”

The Yukon could sell stock in its northern winters. The price always promises to double. Gas pumps glared with the third petroleum increase within 13 months, gas retailing for $1.05 a gallon in Whitehorse. Outlying areas are looking at 50 cents tacked onto that. Heating fuels went as high as 64.2 cents a gallon.

It’s like gold,” a Gulf wholesale representative said, “except going the opposite direction!

The economic pressures are high, and many people from the work force of 10,000 envisage a jobless winter. Some, not taking any chances, planted “For Sale” signs in their front lawns. Even school enrollment was down by nearly 200.

And marginal-profit companies are getting more uptight by the minute about the constant increases in overhead, and wages being pushed to the hilt. They’re waiting for the inevitable — the twain to meet and drive small businesses into oblivion.

The $20 million mineral exploration industry was quiet this field season. Inactivity was blamed partially on crews having to curtail work at minesites that were embroiled in labor disputes. Another speculation for the slow-down is that large companies have been given encouragements to return to British Columbia under the Social Credit government, and companies want to search for minerals where they get the most for their shopping dollars.

This field season consisted mainly of regional follow-ups, with relatively few grassroots projects initiated in the Yukon. And helicopter operators, diamond drillers and expediters were all feeling the pinch. One helicopter pilot reported a mere 10 revenue hours flown by June 21. Normally, by that time, the exploration people would be queued up for aircraft service.

The largest Yukon transportation firm had only a skeleton fleet of diesels trickling the gravel network of roads. White Pass and Yukon Route laid off 90 per cent of the 133 drivers, and a total lay off of 287 employees.

Five men were rehired to service at Whitehorse Copper and Cassiar Asbestos when the two mines returned to work in late summer; however, it’s expected to take time to regain full mining operations.

White Pass ship and train schedules slackened. Ships sail the west coast from Vancouver to Skagway, Alaska with commodities destined the 110-miles farther to Whitehorse by White Pass narrow-gauge rail.

The Chamber of Commerce has been beating the bushes for answers to the economic strife. Local entrepreneurs reported a 15 per cent reduction in business, and blamed the decrease in their profits on the labor situation in the mining industry.

However, tourism was also down considerably this summer.

The Chamber president said, “We’re at a loss as to what to do. It’s a delicate situation. Hopefully, the unions and managements can get started on some meaningful dialogue.”

It’s virtually impossible to estimate accurately a figure of revenue loss in the territory, especially through taxes lost in unpaid wages and the congealment of cash flow to the retail market. However, one of the largest sources of income to the territory is through fuel taxes. A half million has been lost from the trucks that are being mothballed and aren’t bringing in the 16 cents per gallon road tax.

Regardless of when industry resumes full-speed-ahead productivity, it’s predicted to take two years to wash away the stickiness after being in the jam jar.

Merv Miller said, “Even when the economy rolls again, there’ll be a long-term impact for both government and industry.” The assistant commissioner said he thinks labor and management must reach the common denominator goal — earning money. But returning to work still squabbling with each other won’t solve anything, he remarked.

“Mines shouldn’t take all the blame,” Mr. Miller continued. “The economy peaked in July last year and has been on a plateau since that time.”

He said, “There’s little we can do now, except wait.

The territorial government is waiting to the tune of $150 thousand per month direct revenue losses.

Dr. Jack Hibbard, a member of the Yukon’s legislative assembly (MLA), said, “The Yukon can’t withstand the pressure of the work stoppage any longer. If legislation is the route, let’s take it.

But he’s apprehensive that legislation will further alienate labor, management and the Anti-Inflation Board.

He suggested that Commissioner Art Pearson make representation to the federal government, unions and mine managements. The Commissioner will be sitting in on negotiations as a non-partisan observer to obtain original information, instead of the second-hand knowledge that has been prevalent in the past.

Dr. Pearson was appointed Commissioner by the Liberal government and succeeded James Smith in July.

UNION CONTEST

Faro union members said they’d quit if forced back to work by legislation, and threatened that the Yukon wouldn’t be able to hire tradesmen under the current rates.

Cassiar’s getting more an hour than we are,” complained one United Steelworker member at Faro. Cassiar went back to work with a base wage of $7.30 an hour.

In March, at a United Steelworkers mining conference in Whitehorse, a personal contest developed between two local presidents.

Bob Yorke and Stu McCall, the meeting chairman, had a succinct discussion over which union local would get the highest contract in the shortest negotiating time.

Mr. Yorke, USW local president at Cassiar, said, “Cassiar’s not worried about matching Faro. We’re going to do it in less than nine months. We’ll do it in two months.”

He asked that all unions stick together to ensure good contracts for all mines.

At Faro for six years, Mr. McCall, who’s recently resigned as local president, turns the Yukon’s economy on and off like a faucet. The Englishman, also an elected member of the Yukon’s legislative assembly, was a machinist in the paper trade before coming to Canada.

“I don’t like mining,” he said. His plans are to stay until the mine’s finished to be sure that development is done properly.

“The mining industry is immature,” he commented. “It takes risks, gambles, and is financially greedy. That makes it difficult to fight inflation in the North, because of that greed from top to bottom.”

Mr. McCall said that the company had intended to shut the mine down for the winter anyway — strike or not.

But spokesman for Cyprus Anvil, Barry Redfern, refuted the accusations. “We want to get the mine fully operational as soon as possible.”

FINALE

Bob Hilker questioned the righteousness of 400 Steelworkers taking on the Anti-Inflation Board. The consulting geologist said, “It’s fishy!”

Mr. Hilker, with his Whitehorse firm, R.G. Hilker, Ltd., is vice-chairman of the local chapter of the CIM (Canadian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy).

“Labor is getting too expensive,” he remarked. “It’s going to put Canada’s minerals out of the market.”

He said, “There’s no way the Yukoners can continue to pay revenue losses for a multi-million dollar industry. The Yukon needs legislation with teeth in it.”

He thinks provincehood may be the answer.

The undaunted Erik Nielsen, the Yukon’s Member of Parliament, continues tabling resolutions for Yukon provincial status in Parliament. This session will be no exception to the rule for Mr. Nielsen’s endeavors. As usual, resolutions aren’t expected to pass.

MLA Fred Berger said that the Yukon can raise only 80 per cent of the gross revenue needed to run the territory. Mr. Berger, leader of the Yukon’s NDP (New Democratic Party), said, “Provincial status is the wrong issue. It’s responsible government we want, the running of our day-to-day affairs.”

Commissioner Pearson is sympathetic to the concept of self-government for the Yukon. In November, the new commissioner will sit for the first time with the 12 elected members when the Yukon legislative assembly reconvenes.

Stay tune, as they say! The whole Yukon issue may be the survival of the fittest!

– 30 –

 

Ed Hadgkiss: Harvard Pilot’s Story is Fascinating Tho’ Endless

by Jane Gaffin

Anytime a group starts talking about celebrating transportation, it conjures up the memory of an incredible racket inflicted on Whitehorse 46 years ago.

The still, February night sky was rent by the sudden high-pitched whine of a Harvard.

Stunned residents remembered what they were doing when the old skybuster swooped over the quiet town, heading north along Second Avenue on the downwind leg of the traffic pattern.

People claimed the Harvard sucked shingles off rooftops and shattered fragile teacups.

They also were positive that the young, goofy pilot had flown under the Robert Campbell bridge that links the downtown core to the Riverdale subdivision.

Ed Hadgkiss would have if he could have. But the low structure was supported with pilings too closely spaced to permit clearance for the 44-foot wingspan.

He liked the story so perpetuated the myth. It was a while later that the Harvard’s yellow paint was damaged by the propeller wash from a DC-6’s full-engine run-up. Gravel and debris spewed against the parked Harvard. What he said to the airport manager and what he told gullible listeners were two different things. He liked to regale listeners with the story that the paint was scratched when the pilot misjudged his distance while flying under the bridge.

That tale earned him a reputation as a bold and reckless haywire.

Ed Hadgkiss was born in Haney, British Columbia, now known as Maple Ridge, on November 30, 1942. He grew up in the shadows of the Haney Brick and Tile plant that his dad managed. The brickyard hummed with engines and big machinery. His toys were real conveyor belts, big shovels and trucks.

He had an affinity for anything that was powered by an engine. Yet he wasn’t satisfied to leave the engine alone. He had a fondness for fixing them — even when they worked fine.

A school chum introduced him to motorbikes and motorcycles. Among his litany of mechanical misadventures was a trip to Salt Lake City.

Hadgkiss phoned California to order parts, then phoned home to ask his parents to send money to pay for the parts.

It wasn’t long before he was fascinated with big transport trucks.

He could sense and sort out the complexities of a double-box gear shift and get a unit rolling. After some instruction, he could master the technical aspects quickly.

He probably could have been an exceptional mechanical engineer. But classrooms gave him mental indigestion.

His father, a chemical engineer, struggled with the youngest of two sons over homework to get Ed through school.

Ed preferred monkey-wrenching and doing odd jobs for Haney-Hammond Motor Freight. His boss’ mother was the office manager. Mrs. Harris’ house was located next door to the freight yard. She loved to feed everybody. And she had known Ed since he was in a stroller.

At suppertime, Ed would lift the lids of the pots bubbling on the stove and peek inside the oven. Then he would phone home to see what was on his mother’s menu. Whichever sounded most appetizing to his likings is where he ate his evening meal.

A few years later, he bought a red four-by-four International truck and camper.

The future beckoned. The 22-year-old forged north to the Yukon in August, 1965. Within a few days of reaching Whitehorse, he had landed a job as a partsman at the Cassiar Asbestos garage that maintained a fleet of trucks for the Cassiar mine in northern British Columbia and another fleet for United Keno Hill’s silver mines in the central Yukon.

Soon, he was taking flying lessons and had earned his private pilot’s license by October, 1965.

In June, 1966, he was in British Columbia purchasing a Cessna 120. Friends teased that the side-by-side, two-seater aircraft was too small inside for the pilot to have room to change his mind.

On his way home, the Continental’s fresh major overhaul betrayed him with a broken crank shaft and he had to execute a highway landing. This was his expensive introduction to owning an airplane.

He was undaunted. The problem-solver, with the help of his supportive father at the other end, patched up the dilemma and enjoyed many hours in CF-LRS.

Then Ed set his sights real high in February, 1968, He went to Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, to buy a mothballed Harvard from Crown Assets Disposal Corporation.

The air force had replaced the advanced trainers — this particular one built in 1952 — with modern, sophisticated equipment. The government was selling the surplus to civilian buyers.

Military pilots ranked the Harvards as a love-or-hate relationship. The oil and gas smells and exhaust fumes caused some students to heave; other pilots inhaled the same odours like aphrodisiacs.

On Valentine’s Day of 1968, Hadgkiss was homeward bound with his prize. The noise was music in his ears. The 5,700-pound show piece, powered by a nine-cyclinder Pratt and Whitney, had about seven times more energy than the Cessna 120.

The gallant old lady guzzled gas at 40 gallons an hour. But Hadgkiss, who was determined to afford his toy, wanted to gain experience flying a complex aircraft.

Besides, the Harvard, under registration CF-XEN, was a fun airplane. It commanded attention on the ground or in the sky. And Hadgkiss loved attention.

However, less than two years later, the adventuresome pilot, close to his 27th birthday, poked the Harvard’s nose into B.C.’s black-hearted coastal weather on November 10, 1969. On board in the rear seat was his 18-year-old friend, Kathy Rheaume.

Over three months passed before the wreckage was spotted accidentally on February 22, 1970. The plane was found upside down on a mountain ridge. The Harvard trainers were built-to-crash because so many green students tended to misjudge and pile them into the ground. XEN sustained minimal damage and the two occupants escaped unscathed.

The natives believed that anybody who went into uninhabited Roderick Island would never be seen again.

Sure enough, the couple was never seen or heard from again after Hadgkiss penned a short message in the aircraft’s logbook that indicated to searchers that they were heading for the sound of the lighthouse foghorn on Finlayson Channel.

Their mysterious disappearance generated a monumental search and opened one of Canada’s most intrguing missing persons’ cases of the day.

The details and historic particulars are told in this writer’s book Edward Hadgkiss: Missing in Life. Readers are warned that the biography has no ending.

*******

The United Nations Agenda 21 Land Grab

by Jane Gaffin

How much land needs to be alienated from private use and ownership?

The government has a mechanism for withdrawing protected areas in the Yukon Territory (Yukonslavia), Parks Canada for establishing national parks, plus the Umbrella Final Agreement provides for each of the 12 Indian bands to set aside their respective special-management areas and traditional territories.

There is no legitimacy attached to wastefully and needlessly withdrawing 12 percent — much less all — of the land base from any jurisdiction.

This lunatic proposal flows from a document produced by the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, staged in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1992.

This is the same conference which called for the elimination of the affluent middle-class society. Read into that white, Anglo-Saxon, protestant male.

Why would any government be so contemptuous toward its people as to embrace a concept that is patterned after the oppressive bonds that took over 70 years for the Russians to shake?

The first step in the UN’s goal is to dismantle industry by focusing on the Marxist-Leninist method of seizing land and all means of production from the people in the name of saving the environment from big-game outfitters, trappers, farmers, ranchers, loggers, miners and other economic contributors.

The 1992 UN Earth Summit proposed reversing the advancements of human civilization by eliminating domestic livestock and fisheries, thus depriving the masses of meat and dairy products.

More than once, the federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans demonstrated its resolve to shut down placer mining, which, in turn, would kill off the tourist trade in outlying communities.

Without an industry to support a community outside Whitehorse, the Yukon’s capital city, there was no need for the rural communities to exist. Many rural residents learned how fragile their economies were, only they didn’t understand Agenda 21 was behind the plot to destroy them.

Such issues were brought to the fore in a 2002 Internet piece, captioned Rural Communities March in Britain, posted by the Canadian public policy centre, Rural Renaissance Project.

On September 22, 2002, over 400,000 country people were said to have marched through London, England, on behalf of rural rights.

“Money matters,” one marcher told the press. “But freedom brought us here.”

The Countryside Alliance was formed to protect rural sports from the increasing attacks of well-organized, well-funded animal-rights and environmental-extremists groups and an indifferent government.

Soon, everything from agriculture to forestry, from rural housing to trespass laws, were added to the list.

“No matter what ‘door’ is entered in rural policy, be it farming, forestry, hunting, livestock raising, it quickly becomes apparent that the entire rural system is at risk, not just one sector,” Robert Sopuck wrote.

In England, they discovered working in isolation, or better yet, fighting among themselves, merely armed the enemies…the extremists were picking off rural groups one at a time.

Sopuck continued: “Rural Canada is an easy target. Cities hold many more parliamentary seats than the countryside. Unthinking governments catering to urban majorities think little of attacks on the vulnerable rural minority and its pursuits. The record over the last decade looks like a vicious downward spiral.”

His examples included the animal cruelty act, firearms registration, anti-farming regulations, new natural resource-use controls, the onerous Fisheries and Oceans regulations, and the Species at Risk Act, designed to meet one of Canada’s key commitments under the United Nations Agenda 21 International Convention on Biological Diversity, and so forth.

Hey, Yukonslavians have felt every one of these things on the jaw.

Sopuck noted most of these new rules come from Ottawa, where Toronto holds 50 seats against the Province of Manitoba’s 14 seats, not to mention that Alberta only has 26 seats and Yukonslavia has a single ineffectual voice.

Is it any wonder the federal government can and does run roughshod over rural Canada?

Plaintive wails from American rural folks about what the urban activists did to them was heard by Nevada-based columnist/author Vin Suprynowicz. In his great, enlightening book, Send in the Waco Killers, a ruralist said: “They take away our kids and won’t let us decide how they should be raised up. The kids come home saying everything we taught them out of the Bible is wrong.

“They came with their environmental regulations and shut down the mill and the mine and threw us out of work; now they come onto our land and tell us you can’t cut the wood, you can’t dam the creek, you can’t run as many cattle, because it’s all endangered and protected.

“And that’s what they got away with BEFORE they started taking away our guns. Why do they want our guns? What on earth do they have in mind for us once we’re DISARMED?”

Again, the answer lies with the United Nations. No legitimacy.

But in a Cairo conference in 1995, the same year the Canadian Liberal Party politicians rammed that abominable Firearms Bill C-68 mess through the parliamentary and senate factories, Canada was one of the leaders of — and promised to be a role model for — the aggressive UN initiative to globally disarm civilians.

There are enough rules currently on the books for all firearms in Canada to be confiscated without compensation.

Not only does the law render citizens second-class and leave them without the constitutional right of “presumption of innocence”, which is being built into all subsequent laws, but the state is now a legalized robber baron of any of your personal property — firearms owner or not.

The state can take your cash, wall hangings, contents of your safety deposit boxes, whatever it wants.

So, how long do you think it will be before the state does a regulatory taking on your titled property?

Not long.

For starters, the state can get its claws into real property owned by the middle class by designating houses as “heritage”. The definition of “heritage” is getting younger by the year in Whitehorse and its subdivisions.

Then the board of “heritage” fascists can dictate to the owners, who must pay the bills, exactly which color of paint to apply so the ticky-tacky streets can be lined with ticky-tacky houses all painted the same ticky- tacky colour so residents can live in a ticky-tacky “sustainable” community.

Eventually, the jackboot, gun-toting “officers” (they don’t relish being called “bureaucrats” any more) will come to remove the occupants. The United Nations agenda declares that any survivors of rural communities will be relocated into human concentration camps, which are mainly the cramped, concrete ghettos called big cities.

It doesn’t matter if the dwellers live in Mexico, Canada, the United States or Britain, farmers and ranchers are being forced off their land and funneled into big city ghettos to find work or languish penniless on welfare.

It’s impossible to imagine freedom-loving Nevada ranchers like Cliven and Carol Bundy and their 14 offsprings forfeiting their personal rights and property to perish in a city ghetto lifestyle.

Before meeting the UN Agenda 21’s re-wilding scheme through the elimination of individuality, property rights, intake of meat and dairy products, use of hydrocarbon fuels, appliances, air conditioning and suburban housing, the planet must first be cleansed of capitalism.

Gee, hopefully the Dark Ages were fun because it looks like civilization is goosestepping “back from the abyss” toward those giddy times again.

According to the Communist Manifesto, the United Nations official manual, coupled with the Nazi doctrine, the best way to start striking down the evil middle class is to seize the land and all means of production from the eco-sinners.

While governments erode people’s civil rights and liberties in slow motion, the green Nazis are chipping away, too. Neither group does anything in monumental proportions to inflame the middle class to full revolt. Yet.

The people grumble, of course, about the blizzard of unjust laws and the unfair practices perpetrated against them. But the apathetic bunch of sheeples (cross between sheep and people) rationalize they survived the last batch of inconveniences with “it wasn’t so bad” and will endure whatever faces them presently and in the future.

Through the incremental method of encroachment, many middle-class capitalists and politicians are gradually brainwashed into accepting the socialists’ politically-correct, criminal rubbish.

“Oh, well, we didn’t really care about losing those mining claims” or “Oh, well, I didn’t like that piece of art very much, anyway.” And on it goes.

No one infraction is bad enough to raise a fuss or a fist, risking lives and limbs to engage in open rebellion, although, to paraphrase Thomas Jefferson, “the tree of liberty certainly must be watered periodically with the blood of tyrants and patriots alike so the rulers are warned from time to time.”

It would, however, be nice to see the Canadian, U.S. and other governments of the world show some political pluck and turn these countries into world-class “role models” by doing something astonishing to support meaningful capitalism (not crony capitalism) on the home front before rural residents perish under the weight of the UN Agenda 21.

The reason this Agenda 21 blueprint for architecting the 21st Century into a totalitarianism has been flourishing under the radar without people’s knowledge is because major corporate-owned networks have their marching orders from on high not to mention it.

Keep the masses ignorant, uneducated, then pounce.

The dominant alternative news sources are talking about Agenda 21 more each day. Even Sam Bushman, host of Utah-based Liberty Round Table, finally mentioned the term on his April 23, 2014 show in concert with his online guest Agenda 21 maestro, Tom DeWeese.

Mr. DeWeese, head of the Virginia-based American Policy Center has been talking about and fighting against Agenda 21 for the more than 20 years that the UN scam has lurked under the radar screen.

“Agenda 21 is a plan for the 21st Century on how to reorganize human society to live in the vision of the people who wrote this thing,” explained Mr. DeWeese.

“They call us radical fringe nuts and so forth but who were the people who wrote this? It’s some of the most radical organizations in the world who believe we should live on less — actual poverty is better than capitalism (to them) — and we should have zero economic growth in order not to upset the well-ordered society. These are actual things these guys promote–and that’s what is behind Agenda 21”.

And, of course, the lead drum-beater in identifying and disclosing Agenda 21 on talk radio for what it really is comes from the highly-popular Austin, Texas-based InfoWars that enjoys a large worldwide audience through a myriad of Internet and communication-network sources.

InfoWars is hammering the truth about the Agenda 21 scourge, and the idea is filtering out for pick up by other alternative news media and bloggers, regardless that the major networks wouldn’t be allowed to touch Agenda 21 with a vaccinated crowbar.

The Big Boys are part and parcel of the fraud through graft and corruption and are held under the tight thumb of very powerful globalists.

Nevertheless, good people working in harmony can slay the blight called Agenda 21 that isn’t even a law!

So why are citizens allowing bribed, fraudulent politicians to continue taking us down the destructive road to totalitarianism based on nothing more than international treaties and agreements that are backed up only by whatever horrendous laws the global elites can dictate be passed by individual, sovereign nations?

*******

Yukoners’ Survival Depends on Stopping the Insidious Agenda 21

by Jane Gaffin

Sustainability.

Another perfectly good word highjacked by the United Nations mafia mobsters under the guise of Agenda 21.

Only when the word is dissected under UN terms and councils questioned vigorously do people begin to realize they’ve been hoodwinked into believing “sustainability” is good.

It isn’t.

Agenda 21 is a pervasive, conspiratorial system absorbing all constitutional-rights systems that cancel liberties and freedoms.

Agenda 21 is an odious, complexly-structured blueprint serving a UN social-engineering cult in ruling the masses in the 21st century. It is a ghastly cradle-to-grave, people- control fraud, which, prevalent since the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, is about making people’s lives miserable.

Under the Gang Green “save the earth” mantra”, masses will be denied benefits and amenities that once served human convenience. That means giving up electricity, heat and water in residences and the state demanding total control and ownership over the individual’s body, brains, wealth, soul and time.

Bluntly put, Agenda 21 spells totalitarianism.

Part of “The Plan” is to combine housing, transportation and land-use. Over the next 25 years, the puppets, acting on behalf of the crafty masterminds, will determine where and what people can build, where they can live, how they will commute, and how far they can stray on a short leash.

Here, I refer the reader to Stephanie Waddell’s April 7th Star article City could aim to get more commuters to use vehicle alternatives” and to this writer’s recent Internet article “War of Wills: Agenda 21 Can Be Crushed”.

The Agenda 21 plan takes people out of their cars and forces them to move into “transit villages”, making sure that residents work within a specific radius of where they must live.

In fact, people may very well be forced to work in the same building where they exist in one of those “stack’em ‘em and pack‘em”, high-density concentration ghettos near mass transit.

If they have money and any commodities are available for purchase, such as groceries from a Food Bank Canada or UN store, people will be forced to “shop” in the same area where they work and live. Shops will be located underground or on main levels of large buildings with coffin-size apartments above.

Since the word “land” is the vile word in the eyes of the tyrannical UN globalcrats, masses must be corralled into these internment camps to prevent “sprawl”. All land becomes public domain — not owned by the people but will be under global government jurisdiction. Only governments and foreign developers, as authorized under free-trade agreements, can be trusted to control and develop land, waterways and other natural resources for their profits.

Under Agenda 21, the family unit and the middle class will be eliminated. No individual will be allowed to own real estate such as land or a house nor personal property such as a car. Only multi-billionaires will have the luxurious wherewithal of traveling in their chauffeured limousines.

City councils of the world bring communities into this devious “plan” without residents having an opportunity to voice opinions in referendums. Soon, the electorate will be nothing but a memory, anyway.

Most city councillors — as well as the residents — probably don’t have a click from a clue what Agenda 21 is and don’t know those beloved bike lanes are paths paved to hell.

The only thing councillors know and care about is that they get money from an Ottawa pot earmarked “municipality funding” that covers “transportation management”, “sustainable community strategies”, “sustainable development”, “Smart Growth”, ad nauseam.

What they may not know is that the money originated at the United Nations and has filtered down and tentacled out into all North American communities and beyond. Whoever pays the bills can be assured that Lenin’s “useful idiots” carry out the sinister strategies with heel-clicking precision.

Do you think those roundabouts were installed in North American cities as part of a beautification program or to slow high-speed traffic? Nope. Roundabouts were installed — and there’s more to come — to frustrate traffic and the drivers.

Do you think bike lanes were put in beside high-capacity traffic lanes and turn lanes incorporated as a centerpiece to accommodate bikers? Nope. These extras — and there’s more reductions yet to come — were installed to narrow the width of the main traffic lanes to force drivers out from behind the wheel in favour of walking or biking.

How about those extended curbs, complete with planters? They weren’t installed as part of a beautification program, either. The planners’ intentions were to eliminate some 30 parking places for starters to encourage drivers who can’t find a parking place downtown to change to an ambulatory habit.

And the multi-storey parking garage, supposedly on the books to offset lost parking spaces, was not allowed to proceed, although the project had gone as far as tricking contractors into wasting time preparing and submitting bids.

The whole Agenda 21 modus operandi is to make sure people lack convenient mobility. It doesn’t have one iota to do with gas emissions. Electric cars could be manufactured in a jiffy. But designs were suppressed by governments who have ears for oil magnates like the Rockefellers and Bushes.

That brings us back to vehicles. The city’s “sustainability manager”, a position that most residents probably didn’t know existed, wants everybody out of their cars and pedaling their arses around town. To help wean people off their addiction “gradually” instead of “cold turkey”, the manager promised to improve public transit services.

There’s a few implications that were not addressed.

Under Agenda 21, every privately-owned vehicle will be required to be equipped with GPS (Global Positioning System) which serves to track an individual’s movements. GPS knows where you are and where you’ve been. These Smart devices are to ensure that police-state enforcers don’t allow vehicles to stray beyond regulated boundaries.

These Smart gadgets also track momentum so the owner can be taxed with a ticket for speeding. If the driver didn’t violate speed limits, he may be fined for driving too slowly.

Electronic surveillance does not give leeway for the accused to prove innocence in court. Agenda 21 has already put the kibosh to the constitution’s “rule of law” system.

The clincher that will force people to quit their vehicles is the Smart gadget that gives snoops the ability to record your vehicle’s mileage/ kilometres and tax accordingly. The tax will start at perhaps 10 cents a mile/kilometre, increasing to a dollar, then ten dollars, and climbing.

Soon, the owner will be taxed out of his “unsustainable” car. He will join the other serfs, slaves and peons in their walking and biking; or they can take a city bus, or, in some places, choose a high-speed train; neither mode of transportation will go anywhere.

What the grafted North American councillors and board members don’t understand is that they too will be cast into the dung heap of society with the same bunch of serfs and slaves they helped create when their mandate as “useful idiots” is fulfilled.

It is past time for Yukoners to begin a strenuous interrogation to find out what politicians at all levels of government know about the insidious implications surrounding the fraudulent Agenda 21 that is already manipulating every aspect of our lives.

Of course, it’s a given that the paid-off believers will support everything, regardless how demented the policy. Armed with insolence, the believers will no doubt spook the meek into dashing for cover with their heads bowed and mouths shut. But the believers might meet — and lose — their match when trying to rudely outshout the minority group of dissenters who are fed up with politically-correct “believers” and their behaviour.

The whole Agenda 21 scam is based on a pack of lies but can be stopped. There’s more ordinary citizens than unscrupulous politicians and bureaucrats.

Power in numbers was proved to work back in April 2010. An angry citizenry rumbled successfully in the streets and inside the legislature, putting an ax through the heart of the Dennis Fentie Yukon government’s despicable property forfeiture bill that also flowed from Agenda 21.

This pestilence has to be annihilated before it destroys civilization.

*******